Cũng như bác chủ, hồi mới đi đánh nhau, mấy cựu cũng dặn tôi không ở sau mấy thứ như B40, B41, DKZ lúc khai hỏa. Đọc báo chí thấy được sức mạnh của chúng nhưng khi trực tiếp xem B40 tôi ngạc nhiên về kết cấu của súng. Riêng B40 thì không sử dụng cho người thuận mắt trái nữa. Các bác ở K lâu có bằng chứng nào cho thấy Mỹ đứng dằng sau ponpot để đánh Việt nam không? Còn bọn tôi có lúc được phổ biến bắt được cố vấn TQ thì được thưởng. Sau ngày 17/2/79 bọn tôi cứ mong gặp chúng để băm luôn chứ chẳng thèm bắt.
Trong một bài viết của Yale Copyright © 2010, Cambodian Genocide Program, đoạn trích sau có chỉ ra việc Mỹ đằng sau Pol Pot. Mỹ cho rằng chỉ có lực lượng này có thể đánh với quân Việt Nam ta, như lời của Thái Tử Sihanouk nói với báo chí :
" Washington was Bangkok?s most important Western ally in the Cambodian issue. Since the Vietnamese invasion of Cambodia, the Thai armed forces had enjoyed growing military assistance and cooperation from the U.S., which had dropped since the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam in 1975. While publicly condemning Khmer Rouge brutalities, Washington still led the Western nations in support of the DK seat in the United Nations. The U.S. saw the Khmer Rouge as indispensable, the only efficient military force fighting the Vietnamese. Washington helped pressure Prince Sihanouk, who had earlier harshly condemned the genocidal Khmer Rouge rule and might have preferred to cooperate with the Heng Samrin regime, to follow China?s policy and worked with the Khmer Rouge. Sihanouk told the press that U.S. Ambassador in Beijing Leonard Woodcock said to him in late 1979: "What do you want?
We do not like the Khmer Rouge, but they are the only credible fighting force in the field". It should be noted that while the Thai army played a major role in the border security and refugee issues, Thai diplomacy on the Cambodian conflict in the 1980s was virtually left entirely in the hands of the Thai foreign ministry under Foreign Minister Air Chief Marshal Siddhi Savetsila. Siddhi served as a foreign minister of Thailand between February 1980 and August 1990 under the three successive governments of General Kriangsak Chomanan (October 1977-March 1980), General Prem Tinsulanon (March 1980-August 1988), and Major General Chatichai Choonhavan (August 1988-February 1991). Before that he had been an officer in the Royal Thai Air Force until 1975 and as Secretary General of the National Security Council in 1975-1980. For a decade, Thailand?s foreign policy, which was characterized by staunch opposition to Vietnam and Heng Samrin regime, support for the Khmer Rouge, and close relationships with China and the United States, locked the Cambodian conflict in stalemate. Through their collective efforts, Thailand, ASEAN, China, and the United States succeeded in leading most of the world to throw support behind the guerilla Pol Pot group, whose representative was allowed to occupy Cambodia?s seat in the United States up until 1992. The denial of diplomatic recognition to the Vietnamese-backed Heng Samrin regime aimed to deprive it of internal and external legitimacy, thus obstructing an easy passage for the new regime to reconstruct its war-torn country as well as Vietnamese military consolidation in Cambodia. Facing moral difficulty in backing the genocidal regime of Pol Pot as well as a risk of withdrawal of support by some countries for the DK seat in the United Nations, Bangkok took a leading role in a campaign to form a "coalition government" of three rival Cambodian resistance groups: the Khmer Rouge, Funcinpec headed by Sihanouk, and the Khmer People?s National Liberation Front (KPNLF) led by Son Sann. One of the priority missions of Foreign Minister Siddhi Savetsila, under the leadership of Prime Minister Prem Tinsulanon who took power in 1980, was to bring these three Cambodian factions into a coalition. With support from Beijing and Washington, Bangkok finally succeeded in pressuring these former rival Cambodian factions to join the Coalition Government of Democratic Kampuchea (CGDK) in 1982, if they wished to continue receiving aid. Even Prince Sihanouk, who once blamed the brutal Khmer Rouge for killing millions of Cambodians and warned those supporting the regime of the risk of placing Cambodian lives in danger again, finally brought his faction to join the Khmer Rouge.^ He told the world that his patron China had pressured him to join the Khmer Rouge while the American Assistant Secretary of State Richard Holbrooke told him to do what the Chinese wanted. The CGDK became a cover for Thailand in its support for the Pol Pot group as a legitimate recipient of international aid"
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